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31/07/2009 After the First Kiss...Dear Miss Arendt,
I cannot wait, but must come to you and speak to your heart this evening.
Everything must be simple, clear and pure between us. Then alone will we be worthy of a real meeting or encounter. That you are my pupil and I your teacher - that is merely the occasion for what happened to us.
I will never be able to possess you, but you will henceforth belong in my life, and my life will grow with yours.
We never really know what we can become for others through our being. However we can perceive to what extent our presence operates in a destructive and inhibiting fashion.
What path your young life will take is hidden. We must submit to that. And my fidelity to you must be devoted to helping you remain true to yourself..
That you have lost your “restlessness” shows that you have found your pure maidenly essence. And some day you will understand and be thankful (not to me) that the visit during my office hours was the decisive step back from exile in the terrifying loneliness of scholarly research, which only a man can endure - and even he only when he has also come into possession of the burden and the madness of creativity.
“Be joyful!” That has become my greeting for you.
And only if you possess joy will you become the woman that can give joy. And around whom all joy, shelter, peace, reverence and gratitude for life, exists.
And only in this fashion will you remain in the proper state of preparation to take possession of what the university can offer you. Herein lies authenticity and seriousness, not in that forced, scholarly activity which, for many of your sex, produces a busyness that one day falls part again and makes them helpless and untrue to themselves.
It is precisely when it is a matter of one’s own intellectual work, that the decisive thing is to protect one’s own original womanly essence.
That we are able to encounter each other we must cherish and protect as a gift in our innermost selves and not spoil its pure vitality through self-deceptions, i.e. we don’t want to deceive ourselves into imagining something like a soul-friendship - which can never occur between human beings.
I cannot and do not want to separate your faithful eyes, your lovely face from the pure trust, goodness and purity of your maidenly essence.
But thus the gift of our friendship becomes an obligation into which we want to grow and develop. And it is this obligation that allows me to beg for forgiveness that I forgot myself for a moment during our walk.
But at least one time I would like to thank you and through a kiss on your pure forehead take the purity of your being over into my work.
Be joyful, dear one,
M.H.
28/07/2009 吴冠军:《有法可依足够了吗?》
有法可依足够了吗?
吴冠军
从朋友那里听来一段故事:五一假日难得机会,他去长沙同那边的亲戚聚会,晚饭后聚在一起打“八十分”(或曰“升级”、“拖拉机”),他是上海人,而另外三位都是湖南人。虽然都表示会打“八十分”,但开局不久随即发现,彼此所遵循的规则完全不一样。自是少数服从多数,牌局就按照湖南的规则进行。在打牌过程中,作为少数的上海牌友一边学习“湖南规则”,同时则时不时就一些他觉得实在没道理的规则,询问为什么要这样规定。对方好几次被问得答不上来,整个牌桌的气氛开始渐渐转僵。最后,作为多数的湖南亲戚们被问到实在无言以对,只好被迫承认自己遵循几十年的那些规定是专断的、没啥道理好讲。这时尽管在理性辩谈的层面上产生出结论,然而古往今来,多数人被少数人弄毛,情况往往要糟。正在牌桌气氛阴云密布的那一刻,湖南亲友中的其中一位表示道:规则是大家同时遵循的、因此是平等的,“你现在要这样出牌,下次这种情况,我也要这样出”。该论据一出,上海亲友立时觉得能够接受。于是,牌局就这样得以继续进行下去。
日常生活中的这场牌局,显示出了规范之普遍性的力量:当我的那位朋友不满规则时,对方告知规则是公平的,大家无一例外都要遵守。这个论点瞬间改变了原先那轮理性辩谈所得出的结论,使得大家继续遵循湖南规则打牌。为什么该论点有如此之神奇力量,能一举改变其它各种理性辩论的结果?那正是因为:这个世界上绝大多数的问题,就出在不公平上面,法律面前并非人人平等。
孔子两千五百年前就曾说,“不患寡而患不均”(论语·季氏),把均等之缺失看作社会秩序不稳定的首因;唐儒孔颖达《尚书正义》开篇处便曰,“帝者公平天下,其道可以常行”。争奈到太平天国的“天朝田亩制度”,“无处不均”仍是写在白纸上的空头支票;争奈人世历经沧海桑田,费厄泼赖始终被私分“大锅饭”(社会财富)的掌勺者们坚决缓行。
面对人类文明在平等问题上几千年的历史挫折,自由主义社会理论区分了实质平等与形式平等,认为纵无法达成前者,但至少要坚决实现后者,即法律面前人人平等(自由主义左翼与右翼的区别是,左翼认为在形式平等基础上,可通过再分配之方式而向实质平等作一定的靠近)。换言之,我们传统里的“公平”这个概念被拆开,“平”(结果意义上的平等)不及但“公”(过程意义上的公正)必行。即使“无处不均”仍可缓行,但费厄泼赖则必须予以保障;打牌结果可以各有输赢,但博弈的规则必须被普遍贯彻。
我们的先秦思想传统里,有一个法家,提倡法制严明,以法治国为上、以人(以“仁”)治国为下,有功则赏有过则罚,无法君子会生小人之心、有法小人亦可有君子之行。“明主之国,官不敢枉法,吏不敢为私”((韩非子·八说);“天下之吏民无不知法”,“故吏不敢以非法遇民,民不敢犯法以干法官”(商君书·定分)。可见,当法家实现其目标时,一个社会将处处有法可依。近代以来许多学者刚接触到西方的自由主义宪政制度,便很自然地将其与法家对应,说这个我们也早就有了。明智如萧公权老先生者,亦尝盛言商韩“二子学说亦有粗合于近代法律平等原则者”,“考韩非毁私德之用意显在排私以利公”,“法家诸子深知社会演变之理,故其政治哲学绝无守旧之成分”。
然则法家的根本症结,就正是出在规范的普遍性上——在法家的学说体系中,“人主”被“尊”于法规之上。“君无术则弊于上,臣无法则乱于下,此不可一无”(韩非子·定法),法制严明只适用于“自卿相将军以至大夫庶人”(商君书·赏刑)。秦虽二世而亡,然法家却经汉初儒学之转基因加工而继续昌盛,影响二千多年中国政制。蒋庆先生晚近所提出的所谓“政治儒学”(又曰“制度儒学”),承继的就是这支“法家化的儒学”,要在当下复兴那三纲五伦、尊君卑臣的这套“具有中国文化特色的政治礼法制度”。
然而,这套具中国特色的制度下,法之“大公”实以“大私”为根本。老百姓必须要这样来打牌,但皇亲国戚就可以不这样,这就是俗话所说的“只许官兵放火,不许百姓点灯”。有个包拯的大黑脸被老百姓爱戴了整整一千年,就是因为故老相传他搞了三个铡,“王子犯法与庶民同罪”被这位大老黑当了真。然而,老包还是没有为天子预备铡刀,“龙头铡”铡到皇亲国戚为止。“君为臣纲”体制下即使君错,也是臣也得“将错就错”:臣为君纲那还了得,谁咔嚓谁的答案,国史上有那么多钦定“乱臣逆子”的头颅摆在那边。包黑子铁面无私,但据说额中间还是有一块月牙白,那就是为赵官家留的私道,也是给自己那颗黑脑袋留的私道——真要满脸墨墨黑、一路黑到底,那老包首先自己得去先做黑社会,学五十年后的宋公明在梁山上打出替天行道、黑社会以人为本的旗帜。
让我们向往前再移八百年,三国时的诸葛亮可以说是整个中国历史上最受老百姓乃至儒生崇敬的一位法家人物。孔明先生“善无微而不赏,恶无纤而不贬”,“犯法怠慢者虽亲必罚”(三国志·诸葛亮传)。但这位纪法严明的人间典范,至多做到的也只是曾连降自己三级、狠一狠心把经常在一起玩牌的好朋友马谡给“正法”。如果法制严明再往上走,那么神机妙算的诸葛武侯岂能不知,他就要在中国的政治文化里被定位到董卓曹操司马昭之列了。于是我们就能理解,为什么规范的普遍性会是那么有说服力——因为人人都渴望公平、费厄泼赖,尤其是向来崇奉龙图包青天的中国人。
而自由主义的宪政理论就以普遍法治为其根本,没有人能凌驾于法律之上。二十世纪著名的奥地利法学家凯尔森特别强调:国家和敲诈勒索的匪帮之间唯一社会学差别,就是看它是否根据法律(一批有效规范的集合体)来行事。凯尔森认为,通过经验性的法学研究,人们可以认知到法的普遍性,用其本人的话说,即达成“法律在实定法律秩序之多元性中的统一”。然而,他的理论对头卡尔·施米特却提出,任何普遍化的法律,都有其自身的例外,而在法律无法处理的关键性时刻(当“常规”的普遍法律遭遇“例外”的非常状态时),就只有倚靠领袖的决断:“主权者就是这样一个人,由他来决断例外状态”。在这里可以看到,能同我们的法家粗略相契合的,不是自由主义法学,而恰恰是它的对头施米特主义法学。中国人之所以不太接受施米特,也正是因为通过对自由主义宪政之普遍性的攻击,施老非但使政治领袖拥有“以国家名义安排人民生活”的决断大权,更是让他们得以在例外的名义下重新凌驾于法律之上。自从九十多年前袁大头以领袖(大总统)之身称帝失败后,在法家思想根深蒂固的中国,法律面前人人平等的观念也已是不容轻侮。
“无法无天”的对立面,岂能仅仅是“有法可依”而已!
(载《南风窗》2009年第14期)
18/07/2009 [下载]Simon Swift著HANNAH ARENDT,Routledge出版社2009年刚出HANNAH ARENDT
Simon Swift First published 2009
by Routledge CONTENTS Series editor’s preface x
Acknowledgements xiii Abbreviations xiv
WHY ARENDT? 1
1 Biography, theory and politics 8
2 Thinking and society 19 3 Acting 32 4 Labour, work and modernism 44 5 Judging: From Kant to Eichmann 55 6 Anti-Semitism 66 7 Racism, empire and nation 77 8 Totalitarianism 87 Coda: Evil 98 AFTER ARENDT 101 FURTHER READING 112 Works cited 117 Index 120 11/07/2009 [下载]Routledge出版社的A Dictionary of Chinese CharactersA Dictionary of Chinese Characters
Accessed by phonetics Stewart Paton
First published 2008 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, OX14 4RN |
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